In this article, the suppletion of Slavic *jьdǫ ~ *šьdlъ is examined and the long-established connection between the latter and *xoditi revisited with the conclusion that the two forms may not be related after all. The bias giving preference in the reconstruction to the palatalisation of the initial *x- over other possible sources of PSl. š- and to the ruki rule change of *s > *š > *x over other sources of initial *x- in Slavic needs to be reconsidered.