Abstract
The occurrence of οὖν in Homeric poems is surprisingly low (84 occ.). This particle mostly occurs in preposed subordinate temporal ὡς / ἐπει clauses within the pattern Pronoun / Noun Phrase + δ᾽+ ἐπει / ὡς + οὖν, which is quasi inexistent in other authors.
The inferential or consequential value, common in Classical Greek, seems to be as yet undeveloped in Homer. It appears that despite this specific quality, the Homeric οὖν corresponds to the definition given by modern scholars, pointing out its function in the backward and forward discourse orientation of the hearer's attention.
The ὡς subclauses include - contrary to the ἐπει subclauses - a verb of perception, which changes the perspective of the narrative and contributes in οὖν' s orienting the hearer's expectancy towards the next action of the SUBJ. Some examples, where the POP function of οὖ ν is strongly marked, exemplify the return to the main narrative line after a chronologically spaced stretch of the narrative (especially in the Iliad), while others show the integration of a subsidiary line of varying extent into the main line, or even display a linear, ongoing narrative line where οὖν does not perform any POP function.